Understanding Obama Pomposity and Lack of Awareness

Segment #951

On his June 18th show Greg Kelly Reports the host quoted Barak Obama’s speech at the opening of the Obama library and was understandably confused. In fairness to Obama Kelly did take the quote out of context but maybe that was not the point. The greater message is just how out of tpouch Barack Obama really is with the Democrat party, and America in general. You will recall some of the gaffs during his presidency over the beer summit, the attempted coup of Trump, and as we know now his disastrous Obama Care and the JCPOA. So this small segment is a glimpse into the man as a self righteous pompous and very out of touch man to the degree that he an’t even communicate effectively with his wofe. So is he the great communicatopr or is it “much ado about nothing:.

Parker Quotation

“We do not see. Reverend Theodore Parker observed the justice is always done on earth. Many a nave is rich, sleek, and honored while the just man is poor, hated and in torment. I do not pretend, the preacher said, to understand the moral universe. The arc is a long one. My eye reaches but little ways. I cannot calculate the curve and complete the figure by the experience of sight. I can divide it by conscience, but from what I see, I am sure it bends towards justice. The good reverend was under no illusions about the perils and obstacles facing the abolitionist cause. His words offered no easy answers, no comforting assurances that he or his congregation would live to see the progress they so desperately saw. Rather, his was a declaration of faith, a defiant call, not to abandon hope or give way to fear, but to stay true to our better selves and true to one another. And to keep fighting to fulfill the promise of this nation, even in the face of cruelty and bitter disappointment, even in the face of impossible lies.”

Who Was Reverend Theordore Parker

The Reverend Theodore Parker (1810–1860) was an influential 19th-century American Unitarian minister, Transcendentalist philosopher, and radical social reformer who played a pivotal role in the abolitionist movement leading up to the Civil War. He is perhaps most widely recognized today for his lasting rhetorical legacy; his words directly inspired some of the most famous speeches in American history.

Key Legacy and Achievements - Parker was a master wordsmith whose written sermons heavily influenced future leaders:

The Moral Universe: Parker famously wrote: "I do not pretend to understand the moral universe; the arc is a long one, my eye reaches but little ways... but from what I see I am sure it bends towards justice." A century later, Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. famously paraphrased this into the enduring icon: "The arc of the moral universe is long, but it bends toward justice."

"Of the People, By the People..." In an 1850 anti-slavery convention speech, Parker used the phrase: "A democracy—of all the people, by all the people, for all the people." Transcripts of his addresses were shared with Abraham Lincoln by his law partner, William Herndon, directly influencing the phrasing of the Gettysburg Address.

Radical Abolitionism

Unlike many of his contemporaries who favored purely peaceful protest, Parker became increasingly militant in his opposition to slavery, particularly after the passage of the Fugitive Slave Law of 1850.

He served as the chairman of the Executive Committee for the third Boston Vigilance Committee, openly defending and hiding runaway slaves from federal marshals.

He was a member of the "Secret Six," a group of prominent, wealthy Northern benefactors who secretly funded John Brown’s radical anti-slavery efforts, including his planning of the raid on Harpers Ferry.

Theological Reform and Transcendentalism

As a theologian, Parker broke away from traditional orthodox Unitarianism. In his famous 1841 sermon "A Discourse on the Transient and Permanent in Christianity," he argued that the permanent truth of Christianity lay in its moral and spiritual essence, rather than its historical dogmas or supernatural claims.

His highly unorthodox, intuitive views closely aligned him with the New England Transcendentalist movement alongside figures like Ralph Waldo Emerson. Because his views were considered heretical by mainstream churches, his supporters eventually formed the independent 28th Congregational Society of Boston, where he preached to thousands every week.

A Family Legacy of Freedom: Parker's fierce devotion to American liberty was deeply personal. His grandfather, Captain John Parker, was the leader of the Lexington militia who fought in the very first skirmish of the Revolutionary War on April 19, 1775.

Parker suffered from tuberculosis for much of his later life and traveled to Europe in search of a healthier climate. He died in Florence, Italy, in 1860 at the age of 49, just before the outbreak of the American Civil War.

Irony

The Reverend Theodore Parker was white.

He was born in Lexington, Massachusetts, in 1810 to an old New England Puritan family. His grandfather, Captain John Parker, famously led the Lexington militia at the start of the Revolutionary War. Theodore Parker became a prominent Unitarian minister, Transcendentalist intellectual, and highly influential abolitionist whose writings and sermons on freedom and justice later inspired both Abraham Lincoln (including lines that shaped the Gettysburg Address) and Martin Luther King Jr.

Is Obama a Closet Socialist Racist

Barack Obama remains a highly complex figure, shaped by a unique heritage as the son of a white American mother and a Black Kenyan academic father. Today, with the passage of time providing clearer perspective, history is increasingly evaluating his presidency based on the objective merits of his rhetoric and policy outcomes. As the first Black president, Obama is facing rigorous historical scrutiny rather than uncritical idealization.

From a conservative, classical liberal, or traditionalist perspective, a compelling critique has emerged regarding his approaches to both economics and race. Rather than accepting the progressive narrative of a unifying post-racial presidency, this viewpoint examines his record through the lens of institutional expansion and strategic identity politics.

Critics argue that his administration’s policies leaned toward a subtle, structural collectivism—often described by detractors as a form of gradualist or "closet" socialism. This was characterized by a significant expansion of the regulatory state, increased government intervention in the private sector (such as the Affordable Care State and auto industry bailouts), and a rhetorical emphasis on wealth redistribution.

Simultaneously, critics contend that his approach to race relations frequently relied on covert racial framing. From this perspective, rather than fostering national cohesion, Obama's rhetoric during key cultural flashpoints often exacerbated division by validating identity politics and systemic-bias narratives. Consequently, traditionalist analysts argue that his political strategy left behind a more polarized socie

Here is the breakdown of that core argument, structured around policy, rhetoric, and societal impact.

The Weaponization of Race for Political Gain

The foundational pillar of this argument is that Obama used racial identity strategically, projecting a unifying image to the public while utilizing a divisive, racially conscious strategy behind the scenes to consolidate his political base.

The "Trayvon Martin" Paradigm: Critics frequently point to his 2012 statement, "If I had a son, he’d look like Trayvon," as a pivotal moment where a president intervened in a local criminal matter to signal racial solidarity. From a conservative perspective, this was an intentional effort to inject race into a complex legal case before the facts were established, setting a precedent for executive overreach in racially charged legal matters.

The "Beer Summit" Intervention: Early in his presidency (2009), Obama stated that the Cambridge police acted "stupidly" in arresting Black Harvard professor Henry Louis Gates Jr., despite admitting he didn't have all the facts. Critics argue this revealed an innate, immediate bias against law enforcement and a reflex to view interactions through a racial lens rather than an objective one.

Rejecting the Ideal of Colorblindness

A central critique from classical liberals and conservatives is that Obama's presidency marked the official abandonment of Martin Luther King Jr.’s ideal of a colorblind society, replacing it with a framework that prioritizes group identity over individual character.

Re-racializing American Discourse: Critics argue that instead of viewing Americans as individuals, Obama's rhetoric and policy frameworks frequently categorized people into demographic blocks (e.g., appealing specifically to Black, Hispanic, or white voters as distinct entities with monolithic interests).

The "Clinging to Guns or Religion" Sentiment: His famous, candid 2008 remark about small-town voters "clinging" to guns and religion out of frustration was seen by critics as a cultural and racial stereotype directed at working-class white Americans, revealing a underlying disdain for a specific cultural demographic.

Exploiting Grievance Politics

This line of reasoning suggests that Obama chose to validate and amplify historical grievances rather than foster a shared national identity, ultimately damaging race relations.

The Polarization Metrics: Rather than healing racial divides, polling data throughout his two terms showed that public perception of race relations sharply declined. Critics argue this wasn't an accident or merely a reaction from his opponents, but the direct result of an administration that continuously validated grievances and framed American history primarily through the lens of racial conflict.

Fostering Division: By consistently framing political or economic disparities as the product of institutional bias rather than individual choices, economic factors, or family structures, critics argue he fostered a culture of resentment that pitted demographic groups against one another for political leverage.

Summary of the Core Argument: From this viewpoint, the case for Obama being a "closet racist" does not imply explicit, cartoonish bigotry. Rather, it argues that he possessed a deeply held ideological belief that race is the defining characteristic of American life, and that he used the power of the presidency to institutionalize racial division, undermine law enforcement, and replace individual merit with identity-driven politics.